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ACLU-VT 2010 legislative wrap-up

May 14, 2010
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In this issue
Education Funding Equity Preserved -- Mainly
Fetal Bills Not Taken Up
Marijuana Issues Put Off
Changes To Mental Health Laws Turned Back
Major Shift For Corrections
Campaign Finance Changes Fizzle
Cyber-Bullying Bills Problematic, Rejected
Profiling By Age Allowed In Highway Safety Bill
Donor Anonymity Bill Derailed
Innocence Protection Bill Weakened
Laptop Ban In Senate Lifted
Frivolous Tax Protest Penalty Rejected
Upcoming Event: Civil Liberties Over Lunch

Hello --

The 2010 session is over, ending early Thursday morning. Legislators didn't make their April deadline, and even slipped past the extra week they originally felt should allow them to wrap things up. As is usually the case, money was behind the disagreements that made adjournment a slog.

We followed a lot of bills this session. We felt there were more successes than disappointments concerning civil liberties issues. (Still, it's the disappointments that weigh heaviest in your thoughts as you look back at a session, unfortunately.)

Below is a quick overview of what happened -- and in some cases, of what didn't happen. Feel free to write with questions or comments.

-- Allen Gilbert, executive director
-- Serena Hollmeyer, Loomis fellow

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Education Funding Equity Preserved -- Mainly


School spending cuts emerged as a major issue as the session wound to a close. Spending cuts were part of the "Challenges for Change" proposal made by the Douglas administration. Gov. Douglas wanted mandatory 2-percent across-the-board cuts, with stiff penalties if a district didn't meet them.

We presented the Legislature with evidence that mandated cuts would violate the equity provisions of the Brigham decision, because of the effect of the penalties (see memo from attorney Robert Gensburg to legislators). Both the House and Senate agreed with our position. The governor backed down. In the end it was agreed that cuts would be district-specific targets developed by the state Department of Education; boards will be asked to meet those targets.

Winning this battle was significant. Unfortunately, it may have helped set up a loss on another equity front -- school mergers.

Both the House and Senate proposed bills that included incentives for districts to merge. We have nothing against mergers, or merger incentives, as long as everyone is treated fairly. Unfortunately, neither bill did that. Districts would be rewarded a tax break for merging -- regardless of whether the merger saved money, and regardless of whether students' learning opportunities were improved. Granting towns unequal access to school funds, especially for uncertain results, violates the equity provision of Brigham.

But it was clear from the time these bills were introduced that legislators needed to be able to say they had done something to shrink the number of schools and (supposedly) save money. The bills provided political cover from the governor's charges that legislators were doing nothing to rein in school costs. We suggested ways that the incentives could be tweaked to avoid the equity problem and to guarantee savings -- but the legislators weren't interested and pushed the bills forward anyhow.

The good news is that the financial effect on equity in the measure that did pass (H. 66) is small -- in terms of others' tax rates -- and exists for a limited period of time. The bad news is that legislators have created a carve-out that trims a corner off the current school funding formula -- a formula that has reliably delivered equity to the state's schools for 13 years. Because of passage of this bill, there will undoubtedly be temptations in the future to make other carve-outs. (See our memo on merger incentive carve-outs.)

A civil right like equal treatment is never fully won. It must be re-won over and over, even when equity principles are established in law. We anticipate continued tension over this issue. Litigation is always a possibility.

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Fetal Bills Not Taken Up

Neither the House nor the Senate was, in the end, interested in three bills (S. 273, "An Act Relating to Assault of a Pregnant Woman, and S. 175 and H. 605, mirror bills both titled "An Act Relating to Crimes Against an Unborn Child") that became lightning rods of controversy during the session.

Two women who lost fetuses in car crashes pressured the Legislature to change statutes to heighten penalties when such losses occur.

We felt the bills were unneeded because of revisions in 1991 to the state's grossly negligent operation of a vehicle statute. The revisions allow heightened penalties against a driver when an accident results in serious bodily injury. This broadening of the original negligent operation statute essentially covers fetal losses, because the mother is almost always the victim of seriously bodily injury in a crash where she loses her fetus.
 
We also agreed with other pro-choice advocates who feel that "fetal rights" bills are often used as wedges to enact laws that diminish a woman's control over personal health choices. Abortion rights are supposedly not the issue, yet they emerge as such as debates develop.


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Marijuana Issues Put Off

A bill (S. 226 -- go to p. 635 of Senate calendar when link opens to see final version considered) to create "compassionate care centers" that would dispense medical marijuana reached the Senate floor but stalled and never made it to the House. Renewed efforts to decriminalize possession of small amounts of marijuana didn't even get that far -- no committee even took up a bill. (House Judiciary is where action needed to take place, since the Senate had spoken positively on the issue two years ago. House Judiciary said it was too busy with other issues to take up marijuana decriminalization.)

The medical marijuana dispensary bill at first appeared poised for passage in the Senate. It had the backing of leadership. But law enforcement was united in its opposition at a hearing that featured a special panel of officers testifying en masse. Legislators were, in the end, unwilling to buck the anti-drug message.

It seems ironic that in another committee the state was seeking relaxation of involuntary medication laws (see item below, on mental health laws) while in the Senate Government Operations Committee officials were arguing against the voluntary (but doctor-approved) medical use of a drug whose only drawback seems to be an image problem. Even the American Medical Association now acknowledges the palliative effects of marijuana.


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Changes To Mental Health Laws Turned Back


The Douglas administration tried but failed to make changes to the involuntary medications law. It also sought to collapse commitment and involuntary medication into one procedure.

The proposals, contained within the administration's Challenges for Change bill, were part of an ongoing struggle to deal with the planned closing of the state hospital in Waterbury. The plan has been to have designated regional hospitals provide necessary mental health services.

Contention has arisen around exactly how those hospitals would carry out the important procedures that provide the due process needed to commit someone or force them to take medication. The ACLU, and other advocates, believe the proposals violate due process rights and increase coercion.

Despite this year's success in fighting these changes, the issues won't go away until the state addresses the need for services now provided at the state hospital. (It should be noted that legislation did pass to send individuals back to court who were sent to an in-patient setting for forensic psychiatric evaluation but were found not to need hospital-level of care. We'll be watching this to see if it leads to inappropriate incarceration.)


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Major Shift Ordered For Corrections

The inevitable finally occurred this session -- the Legislature, and the governor, realized that throwing more people in jail for longer periods of time is a very expensive venture. And the venture is hard to justify when crime rates haven't increased.

The result, forced by the state's financial challenges, was a decision to reduce the state's prison population. That will come through a variety of measures. For example, nonviolent detainees who can't make bail and offenders who have met their minimum sentences will await their court dates or serve their remaining sentences in their homes and communities.

There was pushback from communities who fear they will become "dumping grounds" for released offenders. Some limits were placed on how many people can be released in certain places.

We agree with career Corrections officials, however, that prison is not the best place for most offenders. Public safety can be protected, and offenders rehabilitated, in suitable placements outside of locked facilities. In the end, it took money -- or the lack thereof -- for this viewpoint to prevail.


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Campaign Finance Changes Fizzle

The Senate tried to latch on to national anger at the U.S. Supreme Court's Citizens United campaign finance decision, but the effort came to nothing.

The Citizens United decision lifted the ban on corporate spending in federal elections. Some Vermont politicians worried corporate money was about to flood Vermont politics. They proposed tough disclosure requirements and huge fines for any violations.

Vermont has never had a ban on corporate contributions in state elections. Most legislators saw little need for a draconian law that might end up addressing a nonexistent problem. Their skepticism sunk the measure.

Controversy remains as to what campaign finance law -- if any -- is currently in force, given the overturning in 2006 of the state's 1997 law by the U.S. Supreme Court. What is certain, however, is that Vermont has some of the weakest candidate financial disclosure laws in the country. The state has been loathe to pierce a veil of privacy that continues to shroud candidates' net worth. We have no way of knowing what financial conflicts might exist for statewide and legislative candidates unless candidates voluntarily disclose their financial information. Sometimes that happens, and sometimes it doesn't.


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Cyber-Bullying Bills Seen As Problematic, Rejected

Three bills around hazing, harassment, and bullying (in particular, cyber-bullying) were considered this session. Only one, H. 648, requiring private colleges to adopt and enforce hazing and harassment policies (as public colleges are required), was passed.

We felt that the two other bills (H. 575 and H. 691) presented significant civil liberties problems. We testified against them because of the way they would have extended schools' authority beyond school grounds or school events to discipline children's behavior. What children do outside of school is largely parents' responsibility. And there's already a state law addressing mis-use of the Web, cell phones, and other electronic media.

We offered alternative language that would have granted schools limited authority to discipline for some off-campus conduct while still respecting the discipline guidelines laid out by the U.S. Supreme Court in the seminal Tinker v. Des Moines case.

The issue appeared problematic enough that neither cyber-bullying bill left the House Education Committee.


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Profiling By Age Allowed In Highway Safety Bill

We expressed no concerns about a ban on texting while driving, but we did argue against a primary seatbelt enforcement law. That's because giving police another reason to pull over a driver for an infraction that can be hard to detect can lead to profiling -- by race, or other characteristics.

The House and Senate, unwisely, decided to ensure profiling takes place by establishing primary seatabelt enforcement -- but only if you're under 18. That means that an officer can't pull you over if he or she thinks you aren't wearing your seatbelt UNLESS the officer thinks you're under 18.

This is, essentially, permissible profiling (by age), and will no doubt result in police stopping people who may be 20, 25, or even older -- even though the law doesn't permit them to be stopped for seatbelt enforcement.

We have consistently argued that if a primary seatbelt law is passed, police should be required to collect "stop data" (data on race, gender, and age). The stop data can then be analyzed to make sure profiling isn't occurring. The House and Senate should have realized that it's especially important to collect stop data when there's an "under-18" law so there's data to show whether police are restricting their stops to the appropriate age population.

The seatbelt law as passed is likely to lead to so many complaints that seatbelt supporters will argue next session that primary enforcement should be extended to everyone. We'll request -- again -- that stop data be collected.


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Donor Anonymity Bill Derailed

An effort failed to provide statutory protection to the names of people donating to the University of Vermont, the Vermont State Colleges, and the Vermont Student Assistance Corp.

Those institutions' current practice is to keep confidential the names of donors wishing anonymity. The institutions' lawyers cite a provision of the state Public Records Act that allows personal financial information collected by state agencies to be private.

But the institutions don't want to have to litigate the question of the applicability of the law should a public records request for donors' names be made. An exemption to the Public Records Act would provide the sought-after assurance of anonymity.

The state's print, broadcast, and online news media exploded in outrage, and forced backers of the bill to retreat. In the end, the bill was "ordered to lie" in the Senate.

The issue pointed to the need for a review of the state's Public Records Act. That law says information collected by government is public unless specifically exempted. Originally, there were a dozen or so exemptions. Now, there are more than 230. Some of them aren't even relevant because the information described is no longer collected.


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Innocence Protection Bill Weakened

A bill (S. 153) that would have enhanced safeguards in the state's original Innocence Protection Act (passed in 2007) met stiff opposition from the law enforcement community. S. 153 didn't pass both chambers, but portions were attached to the judicial restructuring bill (which did pass). The end result was mixed. Independent oversight of the state's crime lab was nixed, police beat back a requirement that custodial interrogations be recorded (at least for two years, when the issue will be considered again), and state officials were ordered to draw up best practices for eyewitness identifications (such identifications are a leading cause of wrongful convictions).
Laptop Ban In Senate Lifted
 
A Senate rule put in place in 2008 that banned the use of laptop computers by advocates, lobbyists, and other members of the public in the Senate gallery was lifted this session. The ACLU had complained that the rule unfairly discriminated against the public since journalists were allowed to use computers in the same places. The rule was also embarrassingly inconsistent with the state's public embrace of e-technologies. The 2008 rule codified a practice that had grown under the Senate's presiding officer, Lt. Gov. Brian Dubie. As early as 2005, non-journalists were told to leave the chamber if they wanted to use their laptops, even to look up bills or the day's Senate calendar. Rules for making unnecessary noise or creating a disturbance remain in place.


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Frivolous Tax Protest Penalty Rejected

The state Tax Department asked the House Ways and Means Committee for authority to impose a "frivolous tax protest penalty" on a taxpayer "who raises objections to an assessment or refund denial based on previously judicially rejected tax-protest arguments." It was unclear whether many Vermonters raise some objections, but the Tax Department wanted to be able to fine such scofflaws up to $1,000. First Amendment freedoms -- such as the right to protest government action -- can only be restricted if government identifies a specific, real problem and shows how the restriction will work. The restriction must be narrowly tailored to do the minimum to solve the identified problem. The Ways and Means Committee decided that test hadn't been met, and rejected the request.


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Upcoming Event: Civil Liberties Over Lunch In Middlebury

Want to talk about civil liberties as you munch your lunch?

The Ilsley Public Library in Middlebury and the ACLU have teamed up to sponsor a four-part reading and discussion series on challenges to and protection of basic rights. The discussion began in February but runs through May 19. The final presentation is:

  • Arc of Justice: A Saga of Race, Civil Rights, and Murder in the Jazz Age by Kevin Boyle, May 19, guest speaker ACLU-VT Executive Director Allen Gilbert.

The discussion takes place at 12:15 p.m. at the library.




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